THE ROAMING GOVERNOR-GENERAL

March 10th, 2011

Since Australians defeated the tyranny of distance they have moved around the world in every increasing numbers. But it’s still important to record whom you met while you were away. For instance the Prime Minister has just gone to the United States and already we are being informed that not only will she meet with President Obama but that she will also lunch with Rupert Murdoch. This is big news.

But another important Australian travels without the same media fanfare. It’s almost impossible to follow the international movements of the Governor-General and her spouse unless you know exactly where to look. There’s no front page or big headline stuff here.
For Sydney residents the only place to keep up with these events is in the Sydney Morning Herald. The Vice Regal programs are published in an out of the way page.. Alongside the Bridge reports and right after the Shipping and Mail notices. The print is very small but the reports are well worth reading and the GG’s web page gives even more detail.
The first clue that the Bryce’s are on the move comes with an announcement that the Governor of NSW H.E. Professor Marie Bashir is “assuming the Administration of the Government of the Commonwealth of Australia.” This was done by Proclamation just as the Vice-Regal couple left on 22 February for an official visit to Kuwait.

KUWAIT you may say. Why Kuwait? The reason finally becomes clear but not right away. First the detail of the progress will be dribbled out, but only on-line and in the SMH’s small print section.

First they paused in Singapore for a visit to the Australian International School (and probably a gas refill for their plane) and then on to Kuwait. On arrival they attended a dinner hosted by the Prime Minister His Highness Sheikh Al-Ahmed al-Jaber Al-Sabah at the Banyan Palace. (One might ask at this point why they were not met on arrival by the Emir. Presumably because the Emir knows that the Queen is Australia’s Head of State).

By 25 February the visit was in full swing. A visit to the Grand Mosque and the Amricani Cultural Centre. At Banyan Palace they began to meet fellow visitors. The President of Nepal was first, followed by the King of Bhutan and the Govern or-General of Canada.
On the following day the reason for the visit became apparent. There was a military parade to mark the 20th Anniversary of Kuwait’s Liberation, presumably from the brief Iraqi occupation in 1991. At the parade Their Excellencies met the President of Pakistan and the Presidents of Bangladesh, Lebanon and Turkey. Next in line were the King of Spain, the Vice-President of the Philippines, a Vice-Minister from Japan and the Chairman of the United States Joint Chiefs of Staff. Later they met the President of Iraq. Presumably it would have been infra dig for him to attend the parade commemorating the roll back of the Iraqi forces. Finally, that evening, they called on the Emir of Kuwait, HH Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Sabah.

Not even Kevin Rudd on a good day could match the breadth of these calls.

On hopes that some business of state was carried out. A gentle push for support for the Security Council candidature next year. Some intimate words about the situation in Libya.
Meanwhile back in Sydney the Administrator of the Commonwealth was performing double duties. She attended the “Hot Potato Shop” lunch meeting at St Ignatius College, Riverview, presided over a meeting of the Federal Executive Council, launched the “Priceless Gift of Opportunity” Appeal at Fleet Base East and went to a dinner given by La Chaine of Rotisseurs.
Professor Bashir did an excellent job keeping the ship of state afloat while the Govern or-General pressed the flesh in Kuwait and made a lot of new mates.

Beyond the Battlefield New Zealand and its Allies 1939-45

September 22nd, 2009

Gerald Hensley’s “Beyond the Battlefield” is a remarkably good book.
Whether this is because of the size of his “advance” (which may well have been a New Zealand record) or because of his remarkable access to far flung records or just because of his sheer ability to write excellent, readable and enjoyable prose, the reason matters little. The result is a volume that’s been a pleasure to read and would have been a mistake to overlook.
It’s not that much that is new has been revealed. Those who are his peers and some of us a little older all knew how it was going to end. There were very few surprises and they were minor ones. We knew we were going to win and launch a new world order. It is the byways as well as the highways along the road to victory that Hensley has captured so precisely.
Fraser is, of course, his hero and this study of a Prime Minister at war has never been matched. Perhaps surprisingly, Carl Berendsen, his official and later his High Commissioner in Canberra and Ambassador in Washington is seen as the one on whom everything depended. Berendsen is everywhere in the first half of the book and is never without a piece of the important action through the remainder. The recent publication of his papers, edited by Hugh Templeton in “Mr Ambassador”, has revealed for the first time his pre-eminence in New Zealand foreign policy for 40 years.  It is a pity that no mention is made of Templeton’s work in Hensley’s text. All his references are to Berendsen’s “Reminiscences” in the Turnbull Library. There may be some who seek this non-existent volume.
Without Berendsen Peter Fraser would have been a struggling local politician, with him he began to walk on the world stage. Hensley shows for the first time the all-embracing nature of Berendsen’s work, wherever he was in the world.
Behind Fraser there was Nash and again Hensley is generous to his work and our memories of him. Fraser and Nash together ran New Zealand and pushing behind them were first Berendsen and then Alistair McIntosh and Frank Corner. Hensley had worked with both McIntosh and Corner. His own foreign service career depended on their support and he repays this in full with his praise.
Beyond the individuals in New Zealand (and Freyberg is in no way overlooked) were those on whom the alliance depended. Churchill and Roosevelt are always in touch with Fraser from the other side of the world and he gave as good as he got. Closer to hand, and of growing importance as the battlefields  come closer to home, was John Curtin in Canberra and his formidable and erratic alter ego, Bert Evatt. It could have been anticipated that the annoyance and frustration that the Australians seemed always to generate in McIntosh and Berendsen might have coloured the reporting of the trans-Tasman relationship but again Hensley has stuck to the facts and given a carefully balanced report that should go down well in Canberra.
A few technical points add up to some minor criticism. The footnotes leave out some detail that might lead a reader to other works.  The mysterious “Reminiscences” have been mentioned already and there are other limited references to books that look interesting but are not listed in any bibliography.
The final paragraphs set in place the future of New Zealand foreign policy. That book is yet to be written although there are rumours that funding has been assured. Hensley may well be the one to carry on.

Seasprite Audit Report (submitted to Dominion Post)

September 6th, 2009

New Zealanders can be proud of their Defence department. Across the ditch the Australian National Audit Office has just lifted a corner of the shroud draped across the demise of the attempt of the Australian Defence Department to put helicopters on their ANZAC frigates. What has been revealed is that the financial; loss when the Rudd government finally ended the purchase project last year came to A$1.4 billion rather than the one billion quoted at the time. All this while the RNZN Seasprites are doing their job on the New Zealand frigates after delivery years ago on time and on budget.
Australia became interested in the Kaman Aerospace SH-2G helicopter, to be known as the Seasprite, when they were looking for a helicopter to use on an off-shore patrol boat that was under joint development with the Malaysian Navy. The Malaysians pulled out and the project was abandoned. The helicopter element, however, was seen as suitable for use on the ANZAC frigates. The Royal New Zealand Navy already had ordered a couple of the frigates and they decided to use the same helicopters.
The delighted Kaman Corporation expected to have no trouble meeting the orders. After all, the SH-2G was known as the ideal multi-mission helicopter. “For anti-submarine warfare, anti-surface warfare, over-the-horizon targeting, utility and search and rescue— you name the mission, the SH-2G meets the challenge”. So says the Kaman sales literature.
There was no problem with supply either. Kaman had dozens of forty year old empty hulls shrink-wrapped in the Arizona desert just waiting to be fitted out. The workshops were rarin’ to go.
It then became clear that Australia and New Zealand were singing to different song sheets even though both had the same ultimate use in mind for the choppers. The Australians were perfectly happy with the antique hulls. After all, they were cheaper than new ones. But they wanted to alter the design that had served the US Navy so well for many years so they set to work to design a new state-of-the-art, all singing all dancing avionics package in a new glass cockpit. The fact that this would first have to be designed, tested and then built into the 40 year old hulls was not seen as an obstacle at that stage. Nor was the cost
The RNZN had a different idea. They knew how many choppers they needed and what their operational requirements were. The model tried and tested by the US Navy met their bill. No variations were required or permitted.
They were also ordering for the future. Their planes were required to have an operational life of 25 years. New hulls were ordered at a cost of an additional $3 million for each Seasprite. This new hull gave certainty in scheduling and price. Kaman was perfectly happy to build the new hulls and the work commenced. The Australian and New Zealand contracts were signed in 1997 with New Zealand delivery dates set for 2001/2.
Unfortunately this is where the stories of the two orders deviate.
By 2002 four of the RNZN Sea Sprites were in service on their ANZAC frigates and the fifth came soon afterwards. They were within budget and practically on time. They have given excellent service ever since. It was the right plane for the job at the right price.
The Australian Seasprites never made it operationally and the order was finally cancelled in March last year and the planes returned to Kaman Aerospace in the United States where they are now up for sale.
The ANAO audit report is 352 pages long and pulls no punches. The Seasprites crach worthiness was below standard. It was not operational in bad weather. The computerized avionics system never worked. And so on.
The report contains few references to the New Zealand experience with the same helicopter. These are of more interest in what they omit than in what they contain, But after all this is an audit for the Australian public who might be worried over the loss of their billions of dollars and the fact that they have only some elderly Seahawks for their maritime operations
These Seahawks do not have the attack capabilities of the Seasprites. In September last year the RNZN successfully fired two live Maverick air-to-surface missiles from their Super Seasprites. Earlier this year a successful night firing took place in the Hauraki Gulf. These verified the Seasprite as a firing platform for the Maverick. A senior RNZN officer stated “the air-to-surface missile performed as expected and has proven the capability.”
The ANAO Report does not mention that the RNZN Seasprites are doing their job every day. It hems and haws about the Australian use of 40 year old airframes on which they tried to hang their newly designed, never operated avionics systems.  At no point is it stated that New Zealand had ordered new airframes and taken the standard fit out used by the US Navy for many years.
The audit report makes play of a potential weakness in the undercarriage that was shown when the first RNZN Seasprite was undergoing test landings on a frigate in Cook Strait in very rough seas. A heavy landing had seriously damaged the undercarriage. The Australian report confirms that the pilot that pranged the chopper was on loan from the Australian defence forces and he had come in much fast for a safe landing. The undercarriage is fully exonerated.
Overall the report puts part of the blame on to the constant demand by the Australians for design and performance beyond the cutting edge of possibility. Further it comments on the lack of continuing control of the project in the Defence Materiel Organization brought about by the constantly changing management as staff changed. “Poor contract management practices in Defence and the Defence Materiel Organization, over the life of the project, contributed to ongoing contractual uncertainty.”
There is a suggestion that design flaws and difficulties were concealed from the senior echelons in Defence. Reports suggest that defence planners had failed to properly inform their minister about concerns that the project should be scrapped.
 
When the project was finally aborted and the choppers returned to Kaman Aerospace together with millions of dollars worth of spares and a simulator the Australian Defence Minister said that there would be a move to off-the-shelf products and no more Australianization wherever possible. This has been repeated in the  new Defence White Paper.
As New Zealand gets down to the business of writings its own plans for future defence and equipment there is nothing to be ashamed of in past helicopter orders. The New Zealand Seasprite story is one to be proud of.

OUR NEWEST DIPLOMAT?

May 13th, 2009

In the West Island news of the appointment of a business person to head the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade comes as something of a shock. Not that there has been much press coverage. A blog in The Age suggesting uniformed diplomats on red motorcycles and a mention of John Key’s anger that the name had been known even before the interviews had taken place were noted on what was otherwise Budget Day. But that’s as much as can be expected.
However the Australian foreign service bureaucracy will be watching this move closely in the light of a past experience of their own. 
Since the election of Kevin Rudd is has been noteworthy that public service heads have not rolled, in comparison with the wholesale bloodletting when John Howard took the levers of power.
The heads of the major Australian departments have been untouched by the new administration and several have been extended in their positions. Only the recent early resignation of Bill Kelty, Chief of the Australian Federal Police (known overseas as the Australian Foreign Legion), has attracted murmurs that he might have been pressed to go.
Australian professional interest in John Allen’s appointment reminds them that they have tried something similar before. In 1984 Stuart Harris was appointed to the top job in Foreign Affairs, soon to become Foreign Affairs and Trade. He came to the position from the Australian National University but had had previous experience close to his new responsibilities as Deputy Secretary in the Department of Trade. His appointment was not without a squabble in the Australian cabinet where plenty of support was given to the career diplomat Dick Woolcott who was to get the job the next time round. DFAT at that time was thought to be devoid of “flair” and needed a “shake-up”. Some of this seems very familiar.
With the benefit of hindsight Harris managed the transition from Foreign Affairs to Foreign Affairs and Trade as a managerial; triumph that changed the culture of DFAT for years to come. Hawke called it a “shotgun marriage” but the new department was seen as competitive with its overseas counterparts.
A similar union between Foreign Affairs and Trade was accomplished years ago in New Zealand so we must look elsewhere for the reason for the appointment of an outsider in New Zealand. The New Zealand Herald (9 May 2009) has interpreted it as a huge shift in “resources directed to expanding a larger NZ Inc presence within New Zealand’s vital trading partners.” We shall see.
It is interesting to note that Stuart Harris, writing in 2006, saw that in 1984 “in managing international interdependence policy makers needed to operate…to link up with more governmental and non-governmental actors and to respond to growing public interest in international issues”. He also wrote of “the importance of having a coherent international voice.”
It could be that this is what Ministers McCully and Groser are groping for. When they call for  a new MFAT leader who could project New Zealand Inc on to the world stage”. (NZ Herald 9 May 2009.) Harris, however, had noted an important adjunct requirement. The overriding responsibility of the Australian Ambassador as the senior government representative of Australia in any country. He ensured that directives to this effect were tailored for each head of mission as they took up their assignments. They were their mandates for the job. Let’s hope that that a similar policy will be adopted as what McCully has called a leadership grab for New Zealand swings into action.
The NZ Herald article quoted above presents an interesting Auckland interpretation of where “power” lies in Wellington. It suggests that “within the cloistered confines of the Wellington Club, top public servants and their acolytes are trying to distil just what the Allen appointment signals for their own futures”.
Who might this cabal comprise? None of the heads of Treasury, Foreign Affairs and Trade, Economic Development or Prime Ministers and Cabinet are members of the Wellington Club! Although there is a club member called John Allen it is a very common name. Whoever he is, he’ll be able to discuss the future with fellow member and Chairman of New Zealand Post Jim Bolger. Jim may have some more names to put forward.

SECURITY COUNCIL HOPES OUT THE WINDOW

April 20th, 2009

The last minute announcement that Australia would not attend the Durban Review Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance to be held in Geneva this week suggests very strongly that the attempt to win a non-permanent seat on the Security Council is 2013 has been abandoned.. Australia will boycott the conference together with Italy, the Netherlands, Canada the United States and Israel. An even later non-starter is New Zealand. The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Stephen Smith, spoke of the regret with which this decision has been taken. “Australians are a people committed to eliminating racism and racial discrimination. Our nation thrives on and draws strength from its rich diversity” he tells us. It seems, however, that the draft document prepared for the Conference to consider was to be dismissed out of hand since it reaffirms the 20001 Durban Declaration. And Australia was not prepared to attend and attempt to amend it through discussion and negotiation. For decades it has been the Australian position to avoid discussion on these questions. There had been no change in Australia’s UN policies since the 1970s when this writer first met them in the General Assembly. 

But this determination to avoid discussion is unlikely to be seen by African and Middle Eastern states as an example of the policies and style of a country they would be prepared to support for a two year term on the Uniter Nation’s highest body. Until now the Australian election campaign, although in low gear, was making some headway. African groundwork had been laid with a six state visit by the Governor-General. Although her movements went almost entirely unreported in the print media it was clear from the Vice-Regal News columns that a carefully planned campaign was under way. Besides speaking to heads of state and government leaders the Governor-General would have invited return visits that would have led to more serious arm-twisting. The Department of Foreign
Affairs has been wound up for a long and vigorous campaign. 
Early reports that election would have been impossible without spending $60 million on opening new diplomatic posts in Africa have been heard less frequently. After all, New Zealand achieved election in the 90s with only two African missions. Nonetheless there has been a world-wide campaign under way in which the 21 nation Asia Pacific community sales tour recently comp[leted by Richard Woolcott played no small part. 

It is not yet clear what brought Australia to a last-minute withdrawal from attending Durban II. Was it an overwhelming desire to remain fully in lock step with the United States and Israel? Or was it the realization that Luxembourg and Finland, long announced as the candidates in the group in which Australia competes for a seat would be unbeatable? (Luxembourg has never been on the Council and must have its moment of glory. Finland has an impeccable international track record.)  Whatever the reason the public withdrawal from the Geneva conference this week is an unspoken withdrawal from serious competition on the world stage. Kevin Rudd may consider he has too much on his plate at home and in the global financial crisis to take part in an international beauty contest. He will lose no poll votes in Australia for this decision.  

 

SEASPRITES REMEMBERED

March 26th, 2009

A recent Special Report (Issue 21 February 2009) produced by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI) discusses future plans of Australian naval combat helicopters.

The failure of the Seasprite program as that billion dollar disaster is described, has left the RAN without a capable fighting helicopter to embark on its fleet. This refers to the lack of a helicopter able to carry active dipping sonar and an anti-shipping missile.

The paper describes two possible replacements for the lost Seasprite capability. Both are well down the delivery track and neither is entirely suitable for tasks that now should include service on board the Canberra-class amphibious ships and the Air Warfare Destroyers if and when they finally arrive as well as the eight ANZAC frigates.

This note servers only to draw attention to some comments pertinent to the selection process that stem from the failure of the Seasprite program.

Australia-unique complex integration issues must be avoided if at all possible in ant defence planning for a future naval helicopter. As the report puts it…”to avoid complicating any further acquisitions by imposing Australia-unique modifications on otherwise off-the-shelf platforms —another historically proven method for generating cost and schedule overruns.” How true.

We are reminded by this pointed critique that the New Zealand Seasprites, complete with a proven anti-shipping missile, were bought off-the-shelf and have now been in operation on RNZN ANZAC frigates for a number of years.

The ASOPI Report makes a further point that sets alarm bells ringing. The final abandonment of the Australian Seasprites came about when it proved impossible to obtain operational certification. While discussing the advantages of adherence to baseline USN system configurations we are reminded that …”attempting to do otherwise would also bring with it the time, cost and effort required to recertify the helicopter—an issue that has caused problems for the Tiger Armed ?Reconnaissance helicopter and Seasprite programs.”

This is possibly the first reported mention of certification problems with the Tiger helicopter, due for entry into service with full operational capacity in December 2011.

Is the passion for Australianization going to delay interminably another project and even bring it down?

New Zealand fiddles while Australia burns

February 10th, 2009

Some New Zealanders in New South Wales are distressed by the causal approach with which New Zealand authorities greeted the onset of the absolutely disastrous bushfires in Victoria. To read in the Sydney Morning Herald that Prime Minister Key was “taking advice about what to do” seemed considerably less than what was expected.  He may be new in the job, but over here we expected his first reaction to be something positive and useful. Not  a suggestion that he didn’t know what to do and was asking around for ideas.

Someone might have suggested that he look at the files and look for some precedents. It shouldn’t have taken too long to find out what happened the last time fires threatened this tinder dry continent.

Over the Christmas-New Year holidays 1993-94 fires ravaged the surrounds of Sydney. Ash and embers rained down on the CBD itself and columns of smoke surrounded the city.

As soon as the potential for disaster was flashed across the Tasman the government machine swung into action. An RNZAF Hercules picked up monsoon fire buckets from around the country together with a team of experts who knew how to use them. They were flown across overnight to Richmond airbase in Sydney arriving at dawn. A fleet of RAAF helicopters was waiting, the buckets were attached and instructions given for their use.  By eleven that morning they were in action in the Hunter Valley putting out  a series of threatening blazes.

Something similar could have been initiated, or at least offered, this time round. When Kevin Rudd ordered the Australian defence forces into action it was only the army that could respond with men and equipment. The RAAF would surely have welcomed the opportunity to play a role again.

The latest word is that New Zealand is sending fire fighters as we did in 1993 and that an official contribution of $500,000 has been made to Red Cross aid. But in 1993 the New Zealand government came up with a million dollars for assistance right away.

This has been Australia’s greatest natural disaster and it is sad that the lessons learned in 1993 were not followed through in 2009.

Today we are told that the United States has offered to send technical fire fighters including helicopter specialists. If they arrive in a few days then they might well appreciate some more choppers to use and manage.

At noon today there are still 24 fires burning out of control in Victoria. It’s not too late to offer more help.

THE SEASPRITE FIASCO

December 5th, 2008

The following article was offered to the Sydney Morning Herald, Australian Financial Review and The Australian.

It is just over nine months since the Rudd government faced up to the greatest blunder every made in Australian Defence Force procurement. After eleven years the Defence Minister, Joel Fitzgibbon, announced the abandonment of the Super Seasprite helicopter programme. A billion dollars spent for no result whatsoever plus the cost of replacement choppers for the ANZAC frigate fleet. 

A few weeks ago businessman David Mortimer presented to government his report on the operation of the Defence Materiel Organization (DMO), the organ of the defence department responsible for the delivery of billions of dollars worth of equipment and supplies to the ADF.   Before we look at what might be learned from his report it is time to tell the full story of the Seasprite fiasco before the dust finally settles. Or is there any dust to settle? This procurement tragedy seems to have sunk without trace in the face of global billion dollar disasters.  The Mortimer Report suggests how to reform radically future defence purchasing. It’s time to see how these proposals might have saved the Australian taxpayer from the Seasprite scandal.


Kaman Aerospace builds Seasprites. Charlie Kaman founded the company in 1945. He designed a number of helicopters over the years, as well as an acoustic guitar, and in 1973 the Kaman SH-2F Seasprite entered US Navy service. There was a long production run and over the years the design was developed and upgraded into the SH-2G. This was also accepted by the US Navy and in 1993 they delivered another 29 to the Navy Reserve.


The Super Seasprite had been cleared for international sales and this target was finally achieved in 1994 when Egypt ordered nine SH-2G(E) under a foreign military sales agreement with the US Navy. These aircraft were delivered in 1998 The Polish navy is also reported to operate four Super Seasprites.
Kaman Aerospace has its headquarters in Bloomington, Connecticut in the USA. The salesmen there did particularly well in March, 1997 when first Australia and then New Zealand came through the door with cash in hand, both wanting Super Seasprites. Australia took eleven and New Zealand four, later five. They were for use on the ANZAC frigates operated by both navies.
Australian original interest in the SH-2G was roused when Defence was looking for a helicopter to use on an off-shore patrol boat that was under joint development with the Malaysian Navy. The Malaysians pulled out and the project was abandoned. The helicopter element, however, was seen as suitable for use on the ANZAC frigates. The Royal New Zealand Navy already had ordered a couple of the frigates and they decided to use the same helicopters. 

The delighted Kaman Corporation expected to have no trouble meeting the orders. After all, the SH-2G was known as the ideal multi-mission helicopter. “For anti-submarine warfare, anti-surface warfare, over-the-horizon targeting, utility and search and rescue— you name the mission, the SH-2G meets the challenge”. So says the Kaman sales literature.
There was no problem with supply either. Kaman had dozens of forty year old empty hulls shrink-wrapped in the Arizona desert just waiting to be fitted out. The workshops were rarin’ to go.
It seems, however, that the Australians and New Zealanders were singing to different song sheets even though both had the same ultimate use in mind for the choppers. The Australians were perfectly happy with the antique hulls. After all, they were cheaper than new ones. The cadre of officers that had reached the design and supply level in the Defence Department felt the need to put their mark on the project. So they proposed designing and fitting a new state-of-the-art, all singing all dancing avionics package. The fact that this would first have to be designed, tested and then built into the 40 year old hulls was not seen as an obstacle at that stage. Nor was the cost. Design work commenced.
The New Zealanders had a different idea. They knew how many choppers they needed and what their operational requirements were. The model tried and tested by the US Navy met their bill. No variations were required or permitted.
They were also ordering for the future. These planes were required to have an operational life of 25 years. So new hulls were ordered at a cost of an additional $3 million for each Super Seasprite. This new hull gave certainty in scheduling and price. Kaman was perfectly happy to build the new hulls and the work commenced. The New Zealand delivery dates were set for 2001/2. Unfortunately this is where the stories of the two orders deviate.
By 2002 four of the RNZN Sea Sprites were in service on their ANZAC frigates and the fifth came soon afterwards. They were within budget and practically on time. They have given excellent service ever since. It was the right plane for the job at the right price.
By 2006 Kaman Aerospace Corporation recognized four New Zealand naval aircrew for each surpassing 1000 flight hours in SH-2G(NZ) helicopters. Commemorative plaques were awarded. Kaman noted that this achievement reflected the aircraft’s high level of operational availability and reliability.
In September this year (2008) the RNZN successfully fired two live Maverick air-to-surface missiles from their Super Seasprites. This verified the Seasprite as a firing platform for the missile. A senior RNZN officer stated “the air-to-surface missile performed as expected and has proven the capability.” All goes well with the New Zealand Seasprite fleet.
The Australian saga is markedly different. The new avionics systems proved to be difficult to design and integrate. A subcontractor, Litton Systems, was given the job of developing the radically new integrated software package for the Seasprite. They had great difficulty over many months and ultimately CSC Australia and Northrop Grumman joined the design team. All this took time.
The possibility of returning to the original tested and proven design (as accepted by New Zealand) never came up. Why should it? By this time the rolling programme of transfers and promotion within the DMO in the defence department would have brought yet another new team of planners onto the scene. Any suggestion that changes be made would have let down their predecessors by suggesting that the earlier team had got it wrong. That would never do. The earlier team were now their seniors! And anyway, by the time the Seasprites finally made it to certification and active service the current planners would have moved on. So the system works.
As the months and years rolled by it became apparent that some general concern was noted. In October 2003 the Minister of Defence, Senator Hill, admitted that the helicopters were “ late but on budget”. This was part of an enthusiastic announcement that the RAN was “poised to accept the first of the new Seasprites for testing, evaluation and training.” Their full capability, however, was forecast for the end of 2004 with operational service scheduled for mid-2005.
The Defence Department Annual Report for 2003-2004 still described the project as “substantially achieved” Ten of the eleven helicopters were by then in Australia and five had been provisionally accepted but the report made it clear that the provisional acceptance was with “a basic suite of software.” This was by no means the finished product but it enabled the commencement of flight trials and initial squadron training. The new design of software, the exclusive RAN state-of-the-art avionics package, was still to be released and fitted in 2004-2005 with flight tests in the first half of 2005.
A Kaman Aerospace release told the same story at the Australian Air Show in Avalon in March 2005 where the RAN had two Super Seasprites on static display. As Kaman put it “the RAN is presently operating eight SH-2G(A) helicopters in Interim Training Helicopter configuration.” The work still remaining, and the cause of all the delay was described as “the integration of state-of-the-art weapons, sensors and communications equipment”. This still lay ahead.
Incidentally, Kaman releases at the Avalon Air Show announced that the SH-2G(NZ) New Zealand Seasprites had by this time accumulated in excess of 4000 flight hours in just three years of service under “very harsh, at sea conditions.”
Meanwhile back in Bloomfield, Conn., Kaman signed a contract from the US Naval Air System Command for the first major overhaul of the Egyptian Seasprites. By this time they had been operational for seven years.
By this time, March 2005, public attention in Australia for the first time became fixed on the Seasprite programme. Reports said that the installation of “high tech hardware in an old airframe had not been achievable”. The Defence Department admitted that the helicopters could not be used in “murky weather” and their use up to this time had been limited to delivering stores and transporting passengers and that only when the weather was good.
Editorials chewed out Australian defence procurement and described the Seasprites as the “latest billion-dollar lemon”. Australian gullibility was seen as undiminished with every new acquisition described as “a world beater”. The government response was seen to be the provision of additional spending “entrenching the very management shortcomings the extra cash would try to conceal” Taxpayers were seen as deserving a much more rigorous response. This was not forthcoming.
Defence claimed they had been misrepresented. They expected the certification process to be completed late in 2005 when the Seasprite would fulfil all its planned roles including search and rescue in poor visibility. However a warning for the future could be seen in the Defence statement that they were “working through a range of issues that are expected to be rectified or mitigated by the time a fully capable helicopter is accepted…”
The topic disappeared into the black hole of public neglect for nearly a year till in February 20006 the head of the Defence Materiel Organization, Stephen Gumley, speaking of the helicopter, said, “It’s now clear we made a mistake.” This was seized on in editorials that correctly picked that the problem was the avionics and weapons technology sought by the navy. “Getting the latest software to fly in a Vietnam-era aircraft not designed for it has proved exceptionally difficult.” (The same editorial suggested the age of the airframe was not an issue since the New Zealand Seasprites, refitted less ambitiously, were flying day and night. It was not reported in Australia that the NZ Seasprites were ordered with new airframes.)
Kaman continued to be hopeful and announced in June 2006 the commencement of Formal Qualification Testing to be witnessed by the customer. The third quarter of 2006 was to mark the opening of final flight acceptance testing of the full eleven mission-capable helicopters.
In the same release, however, Kaman admitted that they were still “in consultation” with RAN “with regard to an anomalous flight condition attributed to the aircraft’s airspeed sensor that resulted in the grounding of the aircraft.” The company believed it had a plan to resolves the issue and had ready a replacement component for delivery. No reference to this problem appears to have been published in Australia.
By May 2006 the possibility that the Seasprite fleet might be scrapped came into the public arena. The Minister of Defence, Dr Brendan Nelson, went as far as saying that it was time to look at what was involved in “getting out of the programme”. He went on to reveal that the cause of endless delays in certification were software problems associated with electronic equipment that affected flight safety.
Other people were now speaking out frankly. Mark Thompson from the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI) was reported to have said that the specifications exceeded what was practical. Brendan Nelson did his best but revealed his concern that at this time there were ten different types of helicopter operating in the Australian Defence Force.
In a revealing comment the Minister said that the recent overhaul of the Defence Materiel Organization (DMO) and a more rigorous decision-making process meant a Seasprite-style contract could not happen again. This was strong talk and the Minister even saw a lesson to be learned from the Australian habit of mistakenly chasing after ambitious requirement rather than buying off-the-shelf. And for the first time for years the New Zealand purchase was reported in the Australian press. “The New Zealand Navy is flying Seasprites successfully but never attempted to acquire the more advanced range of capabilities destined for the RAN’s machines.” (The Australian 16 May 2006) Destined, but sadly, never achieved.
Around this time other defence projects were also showing signs of trouble. The early warning aircraft (AWAC) were already running late as was the aerial refuelling fleet. In fact, neither of these projects is yet operational in 2008.
Defence was not prepared to give up on the Seasprites. In May 2006 they released figures estimating a further $100 million to $200 million over another two years would make the Seasprites operational. This was seen as the cheapest solution as opposed to spending $1.5 billion for a new capability to be delivered in three to four years. (What a hope!)
These proposals won out. By the end of July Australian media published a report that suggested the problems had been solved for a mere $10 million. Apparently Kaman officials had briefed top defence brass, including Secretary Ric Smith and Navy Chief Russ Shalders. From published reports they seem to have blurred the major electronic problems into the airspeed sensor problem referred to earlier in Kaman’s press release that had gone unreported in Australia. This left the impression that the entire problem would be solved “at a fraction of the estimated $100-$200 million previously advanced by Australian defence officials.” (The Australian 29 July 2006). This was not questioned in Australia at the time.
In fact one might have believed all was well with the project and Australian defence planning till a revealing statement by the chief of the defence force’s new Capability Development Group (CDG), Lt. Gen David Hurley. He spoke at the Lowy Institute for International Policy in Sydney and he was asked a question on the passion for the Australianisation of standard products in general and the Seasprite project in particular. He said, “In the future ADF mistakes will be the exception rather than the rule.” He planned “to avoid over-Australianising and take more off-the-shelf products.” (The Dominion Post, NZ, 6 September 2006)
These were strong words but no reference to them has been found in the Australian media.
In the first half of 2007 it seemed that the end was in sight. There were reports that Defence had recommended that the Kaman contract be cancelled. Kaman fought back claiming that the requirements to meet current airworthiness certification regulations fell outside the original contract specifications. To meet these specifications would take a further 29 months and cost $45 million. The Minister of Defence, Brendan Nelson, countered by saying that the Seasprite concept was like putting a 2010 motor vehicle into an EH Holden. “If it was my money, my project and it involved my domestic arrangements, I know what I would be doing.”
Unfortunately it wasn’t his money, it was the Australian taxpayers and in an election year taxpayer money is there to be splashed around indiscriminately. The Minister was unable to convince cabinet to dump the Seasprites. Although he showed his clear concern for the ultimate safety, performance and reliability of the Seasprite, his office said that “initial operating capability” was scheduled for 2011 with full operational capability in 2014.
This stretched out the project for another seven years but media reported it under the heading “Helicopter finally at take-off period” and Labor’s defence spokesman Joel Fitzgibbon said that Dr Nelson had been forced into an embarrassing election year about-face. (SMH 26-27 May 2007) John Howard had undoubtedly seen the dangers of cancelling such a long-standing and expensive project a few months before the general election, whatever the cost. But the cost he had to pay in the election was even higher when he lost government and his own seat.
It was not long before the new Defence Minister, Joel Fitzgibbon, grasped the nettle. Soon after the election the Rudd government initiated a review of the project and on 5 March 2008 announced the cancellation of the Seasprite project.
“The decision taken by the Rudd Labor government is one that should have been taken by Brendan Nelson when he had the opportunity last year but his government   decided to put its own political interests ahead of the national interest. Consequently the responsibility for cleaning up the mess they created falls to us,” said Mr Fitzgibbon. 
On 20 March the government announced an agreement with Kaman Aerospace. The helicopters, training equipment and some spare parts were to be returned to Kaman for sale. The Australian government was to share the proceeds and receive at least 50%. There was to be a guaranteed financial return to Australia from Kaman of $39.5 million. Not much of a return for a billion dollar outlay.
The media release at that time crowed that the government had thereby saved a further $150 million that was to have been spent attempting to save the Seasprite project.
Now we know that the choppers are already on the world market. On 3 September 2008 Kaman Aerospace announced that they had SH-2G(I) Super Seasprite helicopters for sale, ready for immediate delivery. This should have rung a bell with the Australian taxpayer.
By chance Kaman has eleven of these multi-mission maritime helicopters available for immediate delivery. Under any other circumstances this would be highly improbable. Clearly these must be the 11 RAN Super Seasprites dumped by the Australian government as inoperable last March.
Kaman displayed one at the Black Sea Defence and Aerospace Exposition on 24-26 September at Bucharest, Romania. An earlier press briefing from Kaman at the time of the Farnborough Airshow on 16 July offered the eleven helicopters accompanied by a complete logistics and training package. Kaman touts the Seasprite as an incredibly capable multi-mission aircraft backed up with a Moving Base Simulator and a complete integrated Logistic Support package to sustain eleven aircraft.  This is the identical kit and caboodle that had been supplied to RAN Squadron 805. It goes without saying that there is no mention of the previous “owners” in the Kaman sales material.
The question must now be asked. If a few months ago the Seasprites were seen by Defence as requiring years of further development to reach full operational capability how can they now be offered by Kaman as ready for action, fully equipped to perform a wide variety of naval and coastguard missions? Are Australian defence standards set impossibly high? Is Kaman boosting its product beyond the bounds of safety and operability?
It has been possible to obtain from Kaman a comparison of the various configurations of the SH-2G. This five page document compares the original SH-2G, the SH-2G(E) as sold to Egypt, the SH-2G(NZ) as sold to New Zealand and the model now for sale, the SH-2G(I). Advice has been received from New Zealand Defence that the International model is indeed the old Australian configuration. This conclusion has been reached by comparing the ITAS and other systems.
All this gives added weight to the question of the adequacy of Australian defence standards and the way that Kaman boosts its latest (?) product. Can they both be correct?  Whatever the answers, the Seasprite saga must be followed to its conclusion and hopefully some lessons can be learned from the whole sorry business. 
It’s time now to return to the Mortimer report. The key recommendation made by Mortimer was that the DMO should become a stand-alone agency responsible solely to the Defence Minister. This had in fact already been recommended in the Kinnaird review of defence procurement that was completed in 2003 but was not accepted by the Howard government.
Mortimer backs up that earlier recommendation for a clean split from defence and supports his case in three major areas. The failure of the Seasprite project reported above was in great part due to failure in these areas.
First. Mortimer showed that “setting requirements beyond that of off-the-shelf equipment generates disproportionately large increases to the cost, schedule and risk of the project.” (Mortimer Report P.18)
The acceptance of a standard avionics package by the Royal New Zealand Navy and the finally impossible cost of developing new systems for the Royal Australian Navy are a case in point. Another point is that the uncompleted “new” Australian systems were spread across a comparatively small production run.
The Report warns that even a tiny modification (imperial to metric units) bears some risk. “A seemingly minor software change to an aircraft’s mission computer can carry considerable risk.” A telling point is made where “ADF regulatory authorities need to clearly understand where their requirements differ from international standards and be sure that these differences are necessary.” (There may be an unspoken hint at the Seasprite certification programme here.)
Mortimer uses the Collins class submarines as an example where there was no off-the-shelf solution and the Commonwealth had to bear great additional modification and developmental costs. He sees the Joint Strike Fighter (JSF) programme as one where Australia can use international effort to access cutting-edge technology. Recommendation 2.3 says that “Any decision to move beyond the requirements of off-the-shelf solutions must be based on a rigorous analysis of the capability sought and the cost and risk of doing so…..The government must be kept informed…”
Second. In the area of Staff Turnover the Mortimer report sees a major risk for stable project development. A chart shows current times in position of the staff of the DMO by grade and rank. The average tenure of all DMO staff is just two years. That of DMO military staff is less. Public service reports are quoted suggesting that new Australian Public Service recruits perform only at 60% of potential when first appointed and reach 100% only after a year. Major acquisition projects are spread over many years and Mortimer sees an average tenure of less than two years as having a negative impact on DMO performance.
Once again the Seasprite case is a tragic example of the negative impact staff turnover has on the satisfactory  progress of a project. The Capability Development Group (CDG) takes the lead in planning the acquisition of new capability. The Mortimer report finds that the core personnel of CDG are military officers on short term postings, with tenure averaging just 18 months. While the use of military personnel in early stage project development ensures expert knowledge and operational experience the very short tenure of these postings cannot provide the skills needed to plan billion dollar acquisition programmes.
Third. The DMO and the CDG should both improve their planning capabilities. The Mortimer report calls for adequate resourcing with enhanced skills in both areas to accurately estimate the cost and scheduling of major projects. This will increase the likelihood of equipment being delivered to the ADF on time, on budget and to specifications.
The Seasprite project is an example of a complete failure to deliver at all.
With the multi-billion dollar Joint Strike Fighter just around the corner the recommendations of the Mortimer Report could make the difference between success and an even more disastrous failure. As of now the Report has gone into another black hole, 
   
     

   

 

Seasprites for sale

September 11th, 2008

 Offered to The Australian

FOR SALE    Kaman Aerospace Corporation announced on 3 September that they had SH-2G(I) Super Seasprite helicopters for sale, ready for immediate delivery.


Does this sound familiar?


In fact they had eleven of these multi-mission maritime helicopters available.


Clearly these are the 11 RAN Super Seasprites dumped by the government as inoperable last March.


As Kevin Rudd calls for expanded defence spending, this time for the blue water navy, the recent fiasco with the Seasprite helicopter project comes to public notice again.


In March this year the Defence Minister Joel Fitzgibbon announced that the helicopter project would be cancelled. A billion dollars had been spent on the Seasprites since they were first ordered in 1997 and they were still unfit for service operations in most circumstances ten years later. The Defence Department recommended the contract with Kaman Aerospace Corporation, an American company, be cancelled early in 2007 but the Howard government was unwilling to face the criticism. In fact, by mid-2007, the government had agreed to spend further millions with the aim of achieving “initial operating capability” by 2011 and full capability by 2014.


The Rudd government grasped the nettle and ditched the whole project in March this year.


This is where it gets interesting.


On 20 March the government signed an agreement with Kaman Aerospace. The aircraft, training equipment and some spare parts were to be returned to Kaman for sale. The Australian government was to share the proceeds with Kaman receiving at least 50%. There was to be a guaranteed financial return from Kaman of $39.5 million. Not much of a return for a billion dollar outlay.


The media release at that time crowed that the government had thereby saved a further $150 million that was to have been spent attempting to save the Seasprite project..


Now the choppers are on the market and Kaman plans to display one at the Black Sea Defence and Aerospace Exposition on 24-26 September at Bucharest, Romania. An earlier press briefing from Kaman at the time of the Farnborough Airshow on 16 July offered the eleven helicopters accompanied by a complete logistics and training package. Kaman touts the Seasprite as an incredibly capable multi-mission aircraft backed up with a Moving Base Simulator and a complete integrated Logistic Support package to sustain eleven aircraft.  This is the identical kit and caboodle that had been supplied to RAN Squadron 805. It goes without saying that there is no mention of the previous “owners” in the Kaman sales material.


The question must now be asked. If a few months ago the Seasprites were seen by Defence as requiring years of further development to reach full operational capability how can they now be offered by Kaman as ready for action, fully equipped to perform a wide variety of naval and coastguard missions.


Are Australian defence standards set impossibly high? Is Kaman boosting its product beyond the bounds of safety and operability? Whatever the answers, the Seasprite saga must be followed to its conclusion. There will always be government defence purchasing. Perhaps some lessons can be learned from the Seasprite affair.

PROJECT PROTECTOR

November 24th, 2006